By KONSTANTIN TESTORIDES, Associated Press Writer

 

SKOPJE, Macedonia - Authorities have issued an arrest warrant for a former ethnic Albanian guerrilla leader turned popular politician despite the fact that he was amnestied for his rebel activities, a government spokesman said Tuesday.

 

In announcing the warrant, Interior Ministry spokesman Voislav Zafirovski told Telma TV that the amnesty granted Ali Ahmeti as part of a peace agreement applied to only one of four charges outstanding against the leader of last years six-month ethnic Albanian insurgency. He did not elaborate.

 

The move against Ahmeti, whose Democratic Union of Integration is hugely popular among the ethnic Albanian minority nearly a third of Macedonias population of 2 million further stoked fears of renewed ethnic unrest ahead of Sept. 15 parliamentary elections, the first since the end of the insurgency launched in February 2001 by ethnic Albanians.

 

Earlier in the day, attackers threw a hand grenade at the Ahmeti partys office, damaging the building but causing no injuries.

 

On Monday, two police officers were shot to death in western Macedonia.

 

An ethnic Albanian splinter group, which defies the peace deal and calls itself Albanian National Army, has taken responsibility for Mondays killings. In a statement posted on its Internet site, it vowed to re-ignite violence and "very soon urge the (ethnic Albanian) people into a general revolt to liberate and unite the Albanian lands."

 

Ahmeti, who supports the peace deal, is competing for ethnic Albanian votes with two other large parties representing the restive minority, including the DPA, which is in coalition with the dominant Macedonian nationalist party leading the government.

 

Foreign diplomats have urged the government not to move against Ahmeti because of fears of new unrest, and critics accuse both Macedonian and rival ethnic Albanian parties of attempting to sideline him ahead of the elections.

 

After last years fighting ended, the parliament amended the constitution and laws to grant the minority greater political influence. But Macedonian nationalists continue to oppose the concessions.

 

 

By KONSTANTIN TESTORIDES, Associated Press Writer

 

SKOPJE, Macedonia - Fearing unrest just weeks before general elections, NATO on Thursday urged Macedonia not to arrest a former ethnic Albanian guerrilla leader turned politician. But the state prosecutor said he must be detained.

 

The Interior Ministry announced Wednesday it had issued arrest warrants for three former rebel leaders, including Ali Ahmeti, a candidate in the Sept. 15 elections. An amnesty extended to rebels as part of a peace deal that ended last year's insurgency didn't cover all charges against Ahmeti, the ministry argued.

 

In a letter to the government, NATO Ambassador Nicolaas Biegman reminded authorities of a recent pledge that Ahmeti would not be arrested before or during the election. The same was supposed to apply to other officials of his party, the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration.

 

But State Prosecutor Stavre Dzikov said there would be no compromise.

 

"I will not give in to any pressure, domestic or international," he said. "The arrest warrant must be complied with, and Ahmeti and others should be brought to justice."

 

The elections are part of a Western-brokered peace agreement that a year ago helped end a six-month insurgency launched by ethnic Albanian rebels. The agreement gave the ethnic Albanian minority which makes up a third of the country's 2 million population broader rights, while the rebels surrendered their weapons to NATO.

 

Observers fear that arresting Ahmeti could spark renewed violence in the volatile country.

 

Interior Ministry spokesman Voislav Zafirovski said warrants for Ahmeti and two other former guerrilla leaders, Gezim Ostreni and Fazli Veliu remain in force and that police were under orders to make arrests.

 

The three must answer charges for "war crimes, crimes against civilians and military captives, genocide, terrorism, rebellion, diversion and the jeopardizing territorial integrity of the country," Zafirovski said.

 

Ahmeti's party says the arrest warrants are part of a political campaign against him.

 

Tension has already been mounting ahead of the elections.

 

On Monday, two Macedonian police officers were killed in a drive-by shooting in the mostly ethnic-Albanian populated western Macedonia. A rebel faction that opposes the peace plan has taken responsibility for the attack.

 

Authorities arrested three suspects and were looking for two others.

 

On Wednesday, attackers threw a hand grenade at Ahmeti's party offices, damaging the building.

 

 

 

Monday night, the Albanian National Army (ANA) took the responsibility for murder of two members of Interior Ministry which happened that morning in Gostivar. The announcement of this paramilitary organization says that guerilla units of Avni Bekjiri Drenica brigade, which operate in Gostivar, committed an assault against Slav-Macedonian police 45 minutes after midnight.

 

"The attack on August 26 in a Brick kiln suburb, as it is called by Slav-Macedonians [sic! hate speech], is in the frames of guerilla units actions.

 

During the attack two police officers died on the spot, and another one was heavily wounded," ANA maintains in its published announcement.

 

The claims that members of Interior Ministry arrested Monday the murderers at the border towards Kosovo in a car with Italian plates, are false, according to paramilitarys announcement.

 

"Even the Slav-Macedonians [sic!] don't buy these lies. We appeal to them [the Macedonians] to take their sons out of the uniform of this carcass of a country, while on the other hand, we appeal to Albanian youth which is involved in multiethnic patrols to leave the criminal police, to throw away the uniforms of Slav-Macedonian [sic!] army and to join ANA," says the announcement.

 

(I.B)

 

 

 

"Each nation and country is recognized by certain characteristic. Macedonia is known as a treasury of cultural-historic wealth," Georgievski said.

 

Expressing regret for insufficient care for the cultural monuments in the country, he said that the government would support all creative projects in the future.

 

"The Amam has an appropriate function now, in compliance with the spirit of the time. Macedonian may be proud as deeds speak about the country and us " he said.

 

The opening of the new art space was marked with the artistic presentation "C of cultural-an an empty space in a museum, church or gallery be a work of art?" by Macedonian painter Tanas Lulovski. According to the title of tonight's presentation, that was no exhibit of artistic works at the Amam.

 

"We have left the Amam empty to focus the attention of visitors on its architecture and reconstruction, " Director of the Skopje Art Gallery Viktorija Vaseva-Dimevska said.

 

The Amam reconstruction would revive the Old Bazaar and the artistic life in this part of the city, where the Faculty for Fine Arts is also located, she said.

 

The Amam promotion was musically enriched by Vlatko Stefanovski Trio, String Forces, Robotek and Al Fros Live, Mirko (PMG) and Surbe (Roze Kadilak).

 

The conservation-restoration activities have been carried out under the expert supervision of the Skopje Bureau for Protection of Cultural Monuments. Lazar Sumanov is the chief conservator, architect Velika Gjorevska is the project manager, while AD "Pelagonija"- Skopje is the contractor. The expert commission for revision of the object is consisted of academic Krum Tomovski (president), Kosta Balabanov (conservator councilor), and professor Mihail Tokarev (member).

 

The Cifte Amam, which had been built in the mid-15th century by Isa Beg has a 1,056m2 space, and is one of the most beautiful objects of the Turkish profane architecture. The spa has two identical parts with isolated entrances: male and female, from which it has its name "cifte", which means double.

 

The spa was significantly damaged during the Skopje earthquake in 1963, while according to the Decision of the Macedonian Government in 1999, the spa was granted to Skopje Art Gallery in the function of a multimedia exhibition space.

 

The reconstruction of the Cifte Amam began in the course of 2001. The Macedonian Ministry of Culture, Macedonian Power Company and Macedonian Telecommunications provided the means in amount of Euro 750,000.

 

The interior space includes three big exhibition galleries, while the archeological excavations resulted in the presentation of the Memorial Room with fountains for cold and hot water, where the bathing used to take place, part of the hypocaust (floor heating system), which is situated at 1,20m depth, as well as the hearth space.

 

The new space will experience a second promotion on September 6, with the presentation of the international collection of Moderna Gallery Ljubljana "2000+ Artist Collection", which includes three Macedonian authors: Zaneta Vangeli, Oliver Musovik and Tome Adzievski. Macedonian Minister of Culture Ganka Samoilovska-Cvetanova will open the exhibition.

 

 

 

"In the course of 5 decades when Macedonia was part of Yugoslavia, and almost a decade since its independence, there hasn't been an institution where farmers can be respected and their work awarded", Gjorcev stated.

 

"That is why we are trying to mend the historic injustices and the ignoring of the Macedonian farmer, resulting in several laws, which will be a new code of honour for the Macedonian agriculture, and a new direction for the Macedonian farmer towards a richer, happier and more dignified future", Gjorcev emphasised.

 

"The representatives of the IMF, the World Bank and other international consultants in Macedonia were suspicious when we said that we can create a better legal procedure in Macedonia, which would be better than the one of the European countries, because we have a tradition and national values, knowledge and skills, but before all hardworking people that know how to treat the Macedonian soil", Minister Gjorcev said.

 

Gjorcev emphasised that the Parliament adopted the two key laws on performance of agricultural activities and on the Agricultural Fund in February, which along with the Law on agricultural sites that is in Parliament procedure and will be adopted by the end of the year, are the base for the future manner of processing of agricultural soil, the future manner of organisation of labor in agriculture.

 

"I can only guaranty that these brave 270 registered farmers, who will receive blue cards and have all constitutional rights to health, social and pension insurance, fringe benefits and suitable credits, believe in the laws of this country and their labor. They will be the proof that Macedonia has a future, that it has irreversibly opened the gates towards Europe and that the Macedonian farmer is a full-fledged member in the great family of the European peoples", Gjorcev underlined.

 

 

 

The World Trade Organization (WTO) regional workshop on "Market access and trade relief in the Central and Southeast European countries", which took place in Skopje, was closed Thursday. The seminar resulted in reaching new agreements on market approach and alleviation of the exchange of goods.

 

Representatives from Macedonia, Albania, Croatia, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Chezch Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia and Slovenia took part at the conference.

 

WTO experts underlined the main characteristics of the tariff and non-tariff measures. The summit reiterated measures of the Declaration brought at Doha Ministerial Conference, which determined future activities of market approach.

 

Special emphasis was put on the non-tariff measures regarding the reforms in customs and trade administration sector.

 

The second part of the seminar was focused on trade relief and global modernization of trade processes as well as the examples of regional integration. General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was also on the agenda, which envisages plans and activities for trade relief in future.

 

The main goals of the seminar were informing and aquatinting of the participants with the latest developments in this sphere, in order to apply them in their own countries.

 

Macedonian Minister of Economy Besnik Fetai opened the WTO workshop in Skopje.

 

He informed the participants that Macedonia was finalizing the admission process to WTO. The agreement is to be signed on September 17th, as a result of the successful bilateral negotiations on exchange of goods and services according to WTO principles.

 

"This will close the negotiation process, which means that Macedonia will officially become WTO member," Fetai said.

 

Despite the current situation in the region, the course of the country's policy for joining WTO remained unchanged, Fetai said.

 

According to Fetai, the principles of open trade system say that countries may prosper by investing their own capital in production and trade. He underlined that the policy of free trade, which enables free exchange of goods ans services, doubled the countries' capital by fostering competitiveness, thus resulting in chipper and high-quality production."

 

Fetai spoke of WTO as the world block of countries, besides the fact that it was founded only six years ago. Considering the fact that it is comprised of 144 permanent members and 28 aspirant countries and with the last admissions of People's Republic of China, Taiwan and the Russian Federation, Fetai assessed that "almost 95 % of the world trade exchange, is carried out in compliance with WTO regulations.

 

Edward Josephs grand report on Macedonian governmental corruption was released, with much fanfare, at a press conference in Skopje on 14 August.

 

The room was packed with eager journalists, and Joseph had even flown in Nicholas White (of the ICGs Brussels office) for backup. As usual, the conference was difficult to sit through, as every longwinded speech had to be recited both in English and Macedonian. And so, cameramen fidgeted, apologists held their breath, and the pro-government journalists chafed at the bit, waiting to attack.

 

Indeed, the anticipated hostility of the journalists had made Joseph a bit nervous beforehand, and it showed in his twitching gestures and truncated speech. Yet, as is so often the case, the questions asked were either completely asinine or hopelessly tangential. Joseph had perhaps expected some heat, but it turned out to be a cakewalk. By the time the stressful press conference wound down, his affable front had been restored.

 

Joseph had also strategized correctly by not releasing the report prior to the conference. The pesky Macedonians were thus kept quiet, as they could not read the monstrous English text fast enough to construct a meaningful question about its contents- which, as we will see, invite serious concerns as to both the method and motive of Edward Joseph and the ICG.

 

Breakdown of the Report: A Clear Interventionist Bias.

 

At 52 typewritten pages long, the report does appear rather forbidding.

 

Indeed, it is fairly detailed, well researched and comprehensive. Yet separating the meat from the gristle, one finds the following: 7 pages of introduction and recommendations; 2 pages on general attitudes towards corruption; 16 pages on specific cases of corruption; 3 pages discussing different theories explaining why last years war occurred; 1.5 pages explaining that organized crime is not merely the Albanians fault; 1.5 pages attacking the governments weak anti-corruption efforts; 7 pages of opinion on the international communitys role in fighting corruption; 6 pages of recommendations/orders to the Macedonian government; 1 page map; 7 pages about previous ICG reports and board members.

 

In other words, only 16 out of 52 pages (exactly one-third) mentions specific cases of corruption. The rest is devoted to rhetoric defending the principal of intervention, promoting the ICG, and legitimizing the findings by citing dubious opinion polls, friendly media mentions, and NLA warlords.

 

Even in those 16 juicy pages, the report merely fills in the details of 8 previously known affairs. It does not take a rocket scientist, however, to see that the scandals selected indicate a clear political bias: 7 out of 8 seek to incriminate members of the ruling VMRO-DPMNE party. The other concerns their Albanian coalition partner, DPA.

 

This bias, and the reports suspicious timing (it was launched 10 hours before the official kick-off of Campaign 2002), are enough to discredit Josephs motives. He has clearly decided to interfere with the Macedonian elections, by disparaging the VMRO/DPA administration, and therefore implicitly supporting the Socialist SDSM and Ali Ahmetis new party. Yet as we will find out, his slippery method also offers grounds for suspicion.

 

Of course, this had been anticipated by the ICG braintrust. Not only in the reports introduction, but also during the press conference itself, the statement was made that the ICG did not intend to influence the elections and did not seek to be partial to any particular side. In their defense, it must be said that the report raises many compelling issues and does a needed service, in exposing an endemic problem in Macedonian society. Unfortunately, the poor timing and apparent motive of the report mean that it will never be used as an objective, scholarly document in its own right. Unhappily for the ICG, the 2002 corruption report will be remembered merely for its historical value- that is, as a propaganda piece designed to influence the September 15th elections.

 

Sins of Omission: Where are the Rest of the Scandals?

 

To judge from the report, it would seem that Macedonias ills began in 1998. The almost complete omission of pre-VMRO scandals casts serious doubts on Josephs process of selection. Although 90 percent of Macedonias privatization deals were carried out under the previous SDSM governments, the report barely mentions any of these.

 

Instead, SDSM-era scandals are either swept under the rug, relegated to a footnote, or omitted completely. SDSM boss Branko Crvenkovski is taken to task (on p. 8) for not following through on anti-corruption measures, but that is it. The Socialists get away with merely a slap on the wrist- that is, the 43rd footnote on page 8:

 

"prominent examples given of alleged corruption are the failed "pyramid" bank, TAT, administrative corruption in Customs, procurement fraud, export fraud, alleged abuses in the car import firm Asiba, and non-transparent privatization."

 

Although it is not well known, the fact is that Joseph was not planning to mention even this much, except that various informed individuals convinced him that his first draft was utterly one-sided. This lip service to SDSM-era corruption, and the equally trite single mention of how Albanian organized crime funded the NLA, make up Josephs lackluster response to such well-intentioned, face-saving criticisms.

 

Does the ICG Support Albanian Expansionism?

 

One of the most ominous passages in the report is located on p. 2, fn. 6. It attempts to make some distinctions about Macedonias minority mess:

 

"As ethnic Macedonians never cease pointing out, there are other ethnic groups in Macedonia besides the "big two." However, Turks, Serbs and others make up barely a tenth of the total population, according to the 1994 census. As in other parts of the Balkans, these small minorities have no territorial claims and therefore, do not represent a prime source of conflict."

 

As there are so many unsubstantiated logical jumps in this paragraph, it is necessary to take apart each sentence.

 

First of all, note the patronizing attitude of withering contempt at work here: "as ethnic Macedonians never cease pointing out" The adjective "ethnic" has the implicit effect of demoting the Macedonians to (once again) second-class citizens in their own country. They further are made to seem like childish complainers, like bickering brats ever in need of supervision- a condition that the paternal interventionists of the West have long sought to maintain.

 

A very strange tactic for such interventionists, however, would be to disempower minorities on the basis of their very minority status- which is precisely what Joseph does in the case of the "Turks, Serbs and others" (perhaps he does not even know who the "others" are) who are said to make up "only one tenth of the population." The conventional wisdom, which has served the Albanians so well, claims that minorities are inherently vulnerable to oppression, and therefore need protection. The smaller the minority, the more forced protection it would need. This is the logic conclusion of the rhetoric that has been used so well to advance the Albanian agenda in Kosovo and Macedonia.

 

However, it seems that Edward Joseph has ditched the conventional wisdom.

 

While selective democracy may apply to Albanians, the other minorities should be, it seems, left to their own devices. The fact that he cites the 1994 census- one constantly accused of misrepresentation by the Albanians and their Western backers- complements the whole paragraphs rather self-contradictory nature. But the most ominous part of all this is the statement that the small minorities "have no territorial claims." The implication is that the Albanians, as a "big" minority, do.

 

Coming from a man who strongly opposes partition, and who champions those Albanians who agree, this is a very disturbing statement indeed. As far as I know, no one from the international community has ever publicly stated that the Albanians have territorial claims to Macedonia. Whatever they might truly believe, everyone has stated that the Albanians complaints involve rights- not annexation. A slip of the tongue? I dont think so.

 

The final violation of logic is the implication that conflicts necessarily derive from groups having "territorial claims." Because they have no such claims, argues Joseph, Macedonias small minorities do not cause violence. Yet not only does this glamorize and apologize for the NLAs terrorism, it also overlooks an uncomfortable but indisputable fact: in the year 2002, Albanian culture remains inherently violent. This is abundantly clear from chronically unstable Kosovo, where, according to a UNMIK source in Pristina, 26 murders occurred over a recent two-month period. In large parts of Albania itself, general lawlessness and clan-based vendetta killings are the norm. Ever-increasing violence- including robberies, vandalism, shootings and militant attacks- plagues Macedonia. It is carried out almost entirely by Albanians, in those areas where the Macedonian police are allowed no substantial presence.

 

One would imagine, perhaps, that the very downtrodden Roma would fight a war of liberation- but they do not and never will. And how about those bellicose Serbs? They are quite docile too. And those remnants of the Ottoman oppressors? The Turks are some of Macedonias most loyal citizens.

 

As for the Vlachs, they are utterly peaceful pastoralists. No one in the West wants to hear it, but these minorities do not cause problems for one simple reason: their cultures are not based around violence and utter disdain for the rule of law.

 

Romancing Ahmeti: Positive Coverage and a Historical Whitewash.

 

Edward Josephs close relationship with Ahmetis inner circle is well known. He and his former NLA henchmen are referred to frequently, in generally sympathetic terms. As sources, they are made equally legitimate as any other quoted (be it the media, elected officials, bureaucrats or independent thinkers). This sets a dangerous precedent: besides being allowed to run for office, unpardoned terrorists are being arbitrarily empowered by Western power structures.

 

For example, Ali Ahmeti is mentioned (p. 22) as having "sharply criticised" political corruption, at an all-Albanian conference hosted by the ICG. He is again referred to (on p. 26) as being against partition. Is it a coincidence that Ahmeti has become the mouthpiece for two causes dear to Josephs own heart?

 

In fact, the ICG report does seek to enable Ahmetis political career: "Ahmeti has made opposition to the division of Macedonia a prominent plank in the platform of his political party, the Democratic Union for Integration." (p. 26, fn. 177). It also seeks to enable his former NLA thugs. "Commander Hoxha," who first became famous for calling the BBC and CNN on his mobile phone during the war, is mentioned several times. In one case (p. 27), he mentions the ease with which mafia-bought weapons can be procured. This is spun as "Hoxhas observation," and neatly followed by a reference to "the small arms watchdog group, Saferworld." By placing his testimonial between that of a university professor and a gun control group, Joseph presents "Commander Hoxha" as some kind of genteel, benign observer. This disregards the fact that Hoxha was a direct participant and instigator in a militant offensive that had no justification and (officially) no Western support. Whats next- a speaking tour for "Professor Hoxha"? A chair in some venerable universitys faculty?

 

The most egregious whitewashing of history, however, occurs (on p. 25, fn. 174) in reference to Robert Frowicks duplicitous role as a "negotiator" in the Prizren talks last May. One of the wars most controversial acts of intervention, the American diplomat met in secret with Albanian leaders to begin the process of politicizing (and thus legitimizing) the NLA. Joseph (p. 25, fn. 174) remains an unabashed apologist for a deed which very few still support publicly, one that was instantly disavowed by the West:

 

"The Prizren accord was brokered by American diplomat Robert Frowick, who was acting in his capacity as OSCE special representative; although Frowick was rapidly disowned by other international actors, the Prizren Declaration was essential to the peace process."

 

The use of official terminology, such as "brokered," "acting in his capacity," and "peace process" cannot however hide the unpalatable truth: a cowboy negotiator went solo, actively conspiring to aid and abet a declared terrorist campaign, in direct contravention of the stated policies of his minders. As in Bosnia, Edward Joseph must have some vested interest in making sure that his historical whitewash goes down as the official story.

 

A "Non-Governmental" Organizations Interesting Sources.

 

The ICG claims to be an independent "watchdog" and analyst. That this is patently false is evident, even from its list of powerful funders- many of whom directly or indirectly abetted Edward Josephs "research." While there is no conspiracy, it is manifestly apparent that a circular web of affiliated NGOs, governmental agencies, and pro-interventionist media exists, and that the ICG corruption report draws heavily on this support network.

 

As for the first, there are numerous citations of friendly NGOs, including UNHCR, NDI, and most often, close partner Transparency Macedonia (a local chapter of Transparency International). George Soros Open Society Institute and Search for Common Ground are also mentioned. For good measure, the ICG even cites two of its own reports- four times.

 

Opinion Polls, "Official" Sources, and Fulfilling the ICGs Agenda.

 

One of the most common and most effective methods of propaganda is the manipulation of statistical data in opinion polls and surveys. The ICG report repeatedly cites such polls as "evidence" to back up its claims. According to the report, a critical mass has been reached in the fight against corruption: now is the time for action. Interestingly enough, the polls cited by this "non-governmental" organization are by and large agencies or affiliates of the US government.

 

For example, a US State Department poll (p. 1, fn. 2) claims that while 66 percent of defiant Macedonians oppose the Ochrid Agreement, 90 percent of Albanians support it. Needless to say, implementation of this treaty- and rewarding the Albanians- is a central element in official (US State Department) policy, as well as unofficial (ICG) policy.

 

A poll commissioned by the World Bank and EBRD (p. 6, fn. 28), and published by the Council of Europe, unsurprisingly also found that "Macedonia is subject to especially high levels of corruption." Another poll (p. 5, fn. 20) is attributed to SEEDS (South East Europe Democracy Support), and was commissioned by IDEA (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance). Yet another survey on corruption (p. 6, fn. 33) was funded by USAID. An IRI-sponsored poll (p. 6, fn. 35) is also cited.

 

Other citations of "official" US sources include a US government press release (p. 13, fn. 79), the US Chamber of Commerce (p. 13, fn. 81), and the US National Security Council (p. 35, fn. 243). US Ambassador Lawrence Butler is cited (p. 32, fn. 223) as saying "we are working with Transparency Macedonia, the Council of Europe and the OECD to strengthen Macedonias fight against corruption." The ICG report lifts this specific citation from an article in an anti-government newspaper, Utrinski Vesnik. The article in question cites data from a USAID-funded study.

 

Another classic tool for manipulating public opinion, the focus group, is also used (on p. 5) to prove that corruption is the burning issue of the day.

 

Incidentally, the study was commissioned by the NDI. As we can see, the ICG method of citation works within a very closed circle indeed.

 

As any student of propaganda knows, such polls, surveys and focus group results can be extremely misleading. They can be interpreted widely, and usually the salient details regarding the studys scientific background are not provided. Yet opinion polls have an almost narcotic effect, as advertisers of the "nine out of ten leading doctors prefer" school already know. And for these reasons, surveys and polls are extremely powerful tools for manufacturing popular consent.

 

The troubling thought here is not so much that Edward Joseph may have interpreted his data subjectively, to bear out the conclusions he had previously desired. That is to be expected. No, the truly jarring aspect of all this is the following: Joseph expects that by referring to the names of their illustrious sponsors, the polls and surveys themselves will be inherently legitimate for the reader. In this way are decidedly interested parties (such as USAID, the State Department, and the World Bank) represented as objective, disinterested bodies. As we have seen throughout this series, nothing could be further from the truth.

 

Selective Use of Language and the Media.

 

Another propagandistic strategy is to manipulate sympathies through use of descriptors and phrasing. Almost exactly a year ago, I presented several examples of this in reference to the Western medias exploits in Macedonia. A year on, and many of their appellations have stuck. For example, the Lions police squads are still dubbed "notorious" (p. 27), and their leader, Interior Minister Boskovski, "questionable" (p. 29). Opinion is also swayed through describing media bodies or institutions as "respected"- though we are never told precisely by whom.

 

Description has another extreme, however. Josephs citations of sources are frequently as simplistic as "Macedonian insider" or "government advisor." For those in the know, it is frequently possible to guess to whom he might be referring. Invariably, it is a politically-connected friend in the SDSM party or presidents cabinet. And even in cases where Joseph does mention a name- for example, with politician Borce Davitovski (p. 9, fn. 46), he plays dumb; Davitovski "is believed to be close to the opposition party." As he attends the same cocktail parties with these people, Edward Joseph must know better than that. In general, use of the passive voice serves to distance the author from taking responsibility for a claim. And thus the reports myriad uses of "are alleged," "are claimed," and "are said." The adverb "reportedly" is also used often to back up unproven claims.

 

Another key element of propaganda is to legitimatize sources. However, Western interventionists often do this in a selective and self-contradictory way. When an article from a newspaper or magazine supports the party line, it is cited as a "respected" source. However, in cases when an article goes contrary to the Western line, the very same source is disparaged. Thus Dnevnik newspaper can be "respected" or even "independent" when exposing corruption, and just "state propaganda" when talking about mujahedin or Albanian militant actions.

 

A similar tactic is that of safety in numbers. Joseph writes: "respected media voices as well assail the DPA/VMRO-DPMNE (Albanian-Macedonian) "corrupt coalition" as inimical to common interests" The "voices" cited are really only one, that of Lobi magazines Iso Rusi (p. 23). The same magazine is also called "independent" (p. 4, fn. 16). However, as we saw yesterday, Lobi/Press Online are partially funded by the US governments NED and IREX, and closely connected with the ICG/IWPR media mafia.

 

Joseph also plays this game with his closest media ally (IWPRs Saso Ordanovski) and his magazine, Forum. On p. 28, Joseph makes a weak attempt to empower himself and the ICG. He claims:

 

"VMRO-DPMNE (has) been buffeted by a spate of corruption allegations in the media since the international donors conference. The charges and counter-charges show that corruption has, for now at least, replaced "terrorism" as a dominant issue of Macedonian politics."

 

Of course, if we read fn. 194, we see that "the media" is nothing more than Joseph and his cronies- some pieces from Forum, an article by ICG president Gareth Evans, and the ICGs March corruption report itself. In other words, one Macedonian periodical and two representatives of the same NGO- far from the critical mass that Joseph would like to claim. Even more damning (p. 31, fn. 212) is the open admission that his local media arm (Forum) has a "team" cooperating with Transparency Macedonia on the corruption issue. In other words, "independent" media working actively with the ICG and its anti-corruption partner, to push a specific agenda with political overtones.

 

Spreading Outrageous Lies: the Telekom Affair.

 

While we do not have space to dissect each of Josephs selected scandals, a close examination of one specific case- the Makedonia Telekom affair- will cast doubts on the veracity of Josephs research in general.

 

The privatization of Macedonias national telecom is one of the major scandals cited in the ICG report (p. 14). In another example of subtle manipulation, the government is not accused outright of corruption, but instead the link between government, commerce and corruption is implied:

 

"Corruption is by no means limited, however, to the actions of government officials. It pervades much of the climate of doing business in the country. The following case may illustrate how confident Macedonian business people are about engaging in questionable practices even when these are detectable by outside parties."

 

Joseph goes on to claim that the company was sold (to Germanys Deutsche Telekom, through underling MATAV of Hungary) in a brazenly deceitful way.

 

Telekom was put up to bid in the Fall of 2000, and MATAV won the bid in December, over Greeces OTE. The company was sold for $362.5 million- a rare case of the Macedonian government winning more than the state-owned asset was worth. Joseph tries to show that the dispute which MATAV raised afterwards was a direct result of shady dealings on the part of the Macedonians. His recap of the facts is as follows:

 

"According to international sources and Macedonians familiar with the transaction, the Makedonia Telekom Board declared itself two substantial dividends. The first dividend was declared on 30 November 2000, when the company was actively involved in privatization. The second dividend was paid following the acceptance of the buyers offer. The first dividend totaled between US $25 million and US $30 million and the second, which is in dispute, between approximately US $8 million and US $20 million.

 

Former Telekom officials insist that all dividends were fully disclosed to the buyers who ultimately paid $362.5 million for the company. The buyers, however, say they were unaware of the second dividend and have challenged the amount of "sponsorships" (cash grants) given out by the Telekom management during and after the due diligence period."

 

These comments were surprising- to say the least- to Dan Doncev, the former head of Makedonia Telekom. Doncev served as government-appointed CEO during the entire privatization process, and he categorically refutes Josephs claims. Whereas Joseph implies that declaring a dividend was somehow suspicious, Doncev states, "the dividend was agreed- in fact, it was in the share-purchase agreement of 22 December, 2000. We had a right to declare a dividend, and this was known to both bidders (MATAV and Greeces OTE)." Doncev (who showed me a signed copy of this share-purchase agreement) states that Joseph also made a far more serious error here:

 

"Joseph claims that there were two dividends. This is false- there was only one, and that one was not $25-30 million, as he claims, but rather 490 million denars- about $8 million- and it was declared on 30 November, 2000.

 

On 25 December 2000, MATAV was declared the winner. Then, on 11 January 2001, it transferred the proceedings and effectively took control of Makedonia Telekom. Joseph implies that there was somehow a second dividend declared between these two dates. That is not true- there was no second dividend. Perhaps this is why the buyers were "unaware" of it, as he says- because it simply didnt exist."

 

A Problem of Method: Josephs Willful Disdain for Finding the Facts.

 

One is hard-pressed to imagine how Joseph could have made such a gaping error. The fact of the matter is that here, as in many other cases, he was simply not interested in checking the other side of the story. Although in this case he was informed by "a Macedonian insider and international sources," as he puts it, he failed to take testimony from the very man who had overseen the Telekom sale. Says Doncev:

 

"I found out about this ICG report only a few weeks before it came out. When I learned that Joseph was planning to write about the Telekom sale, I met with him as soon as I could. I then presented him with all of the facts and financial statements connected with the sale. He apologized, and called me shortly thereafter. Joseph said, "I can assure you that I have sent all of the information you gave me to (ICG headquarters in) Brussels." I havent heard anything since, and there has been no subsequent disclaimer or official repudiation of these erroneous statements."

 

In addition to this rather lukewarm reaction from Joseph, Doncev was dismayed to find that not merely apathy lay behind his failure to get in touch:

 

"it was only on my initiative that we met- he hadnt bothered to contact me at any time during the previous four months. When I met with him on 11 July, I expressed my concern that his very specific, detailed investigation would be compromised, if he did not get both sides of the story. I asked Joseph if he had spoken with two other VMRO officials he accuses, Dragan Daravelski and Vojo Mihajlovski. "Why should I talk to them?" he retorted. "I already know the bullshit theyre going to feed me!"

 

This response notwithstanding, it seems that Doncevs question had an effect: according to the ICG report (p. 8, fn. 42), Joseph did make the obligatory interview with Daravelski 11 days later. Unsurprisingly, the customs director denied any corrupt dealings. The report also claims (p. 10, fn. 52) that "the ICG sought appointments with (health fund manager) Mr. Mihajlovski, by letter and by telephone calls, on 15 July 2002 and 29 July 2002 without receiving a response." In other words, after it was already too late to obtain anything other than an outright confession or blanket denial.

 

There is more compelling evidence that Josephs willful disinterest to check his facts was glossed over by artificial, eleventh-hour citations. An individual close to the ICG told me that the report was essentially finished by mid-March.

 

Indeed, this is betrayed by the report itself: take the reference to Ali Ahmeti (on p. 22). The report reads, "speaking in front of the "Council of Albanian Political Parties" that he (Ahmeti) heads" The use of the present tense ("heads") indicates that this was written in March- since the Albanian "coordinative council" was a short-lived affair that disintegrated completely into widespread inter-Albanian violence, leaving Ahmeti the quite vulnerable head of nothing. Indeed, the citation (fn. 157) leads the reader to a meeting of 6 March 2002.

 

Further, the reports final "conclusions" section ends with a reference (p. 41, fn. 258) to a website formerly owned by Sam Vaknin (www.balkanlands.com)- a website which had disappeared completely from the internet by June 2002.

 

This evidence suggests that sources and quotes added to the report since June are generally window-dressing. Especially in the cases of the accused, the feeble attempt to make contact is merely a veneer covering Josephs thinly-disguised subjectivity. Indeed, one wonders if Dan Doncevs insistence was in fact the only reason why Joseph became even slightly proactive after 11 July.

 

Another Explanation for the ICGs Inclusion of Telekom.

 

There is another reason to question the ICGs interest in the Telekom deal.

 

First of all, Edward Joseph is correct in one criticism: the dividend did violate certain EBRD loan covenants, which aim to ensure that a floating amount of cash and assets remains perpetually in the company as a loan safeguard. Yet as Doncev states:

 

"this is not a big deal to the EBRD- after all, they could have called on their loan a long time ago, but they havent. And regarding the dispute with MATAV, that is settled- we reached an amicable compromise in June 2002.

 

The negotiations did not even require legal arbitration. But stated and transparent mechanisms do exist for arbitration, should it become necessary- in the event of any commercial dispute, the strategic investor has the right to go for arbitration to a court in Zurich. this was simply a commercial dispute. It has no place in a report on corruption.

 

In the end, MATAV won some concessions from the Macedonian government, which shows that the government is not so inflexible as it is made out to be."

 

Interestingly enough, there was one concession that Macedonia could not give. One of MATAVs first requests was to extend the period of Telekoms much-hated monopoly past 1 January 2005. Yet this is simply not possible under Macedonian legislation, nor under the countrys obligations for EU accession, which stipulate full liberalization of the telecom sector by that date.

The real story, it seems, has much larger ramifications and a much greater context. Even before December 2000, when Telekom was sold, the European (and world) telecommunications industry was headed for a major downturn.

 

The boom years of the 90s had given the big companies false optimism.

 

Europes biggest telecommunications companies went on major spending sprees. They bought up smaller companies- sometimes for clearly inflated prices- and paid enormous licensing fees to various governments. Now that the bubble has burst, the effects of competition have started to eat into the profit of the debt-ridden former incumbents. There has been a precipitous decline in the share values of major corporations. The recession has affected everyone, including British Telecom, France Telecom, and Deutsche Telekom. Share prices of the last (the owner of Makedonia Telekom) have fallen from around $80 a share before 2001, to around $10 a share now.

 

Makedonia Telekoms sale immediately preceded the crash of the telecom market, and the NLA-instigated war. Had MATAV waited another two month, it may have paid far less than the $362.5 million it did. To compensate for this and other mistakes, parent company Deutsche Telecom is now trying to squeeze money out of its minions in any way possible. It is highly likely that MATAVs dispute (a burning topic for Edward Joseph) started as nothing more than a means of coercion from the top down, to somehow appease ongoing corporate desperation.

 

It is possible that Edward Joseph was unaware of this when filing his report. However, it is unlikely. The MATAV consortium that purchased Telekom included the US governments Southeast Europe Stability Fund, managed by George Soros. Their 4 percent acquisition in Telekom, while modest, proves that the US and Soros are indirect shareholders in the company. Yet George Soros is also a card-carrying board member and funder of the ICG. His hand-picked representative also sits on Telekoms board. Is there any relation between these facts and the inclusion of the Telekom case in colleague Josephs corruption report? Even if there wasnt, the intervention does open the door for other potential coercion from MATAV.

 

Behind the Scenes, Fury.

 

Two weeks before its official release, Edward Josephs corruption report had reached the desks of ICGs lawyers. Fearing libel lawsuits and accusations of slander, they removed several salacious parts which were allegedly far more damaging to highly-placed officials. The inside word is that Joseph was furious at the heavy censorship. The report was his baby, and he had put in months of hard work on it. Yet what could have been a sensational exposé turned out to be an underwhelming collection of scandals long known by every voter in the land.

 

According to inside sources, the ICG did as little as possible to publicize the report beforehand. The reason? Brussels had been rather unhappy when Joseph first hit upon the theme of corruption nine months ago. Apparently, ICG brass did not find the topic half as interesting as did the would-be watchdog. And so, with only the halfhearted support of ICG headquarters, the corruption report became Josephs personal crusade. He enlisted his chums in IWPR and Forum along the way. Although they did prove helpful in publicizing the project, the media involved- though powerful and well-funded- proved to be far less than could have been expected, had Brussels only been more enthusiastic about the chosen theme.

 

Faced with a Macedonian government hostile to his meddling, a local press out to pillory him, and a lukewarm reaction from Brussels, Joseph became more and more isolated, more and more insecure. At the press conference, when asked by a young Albanian journalist if he had good relations with the government, a clearly flustered Joseph retorted, "look, I am able to function and do my job, okay?"

 

Further, while the ICG leader was never publicly disparaged by any international body, the Western leadership in Skopje had also grown tired of Joseph and his combative, arrogant attitude long before the 14th of August. After the reports release, international reaction was noticeably mute. Josephs main demand was that the European Union install a "corruption watchdog," one with the power to oversee the Macedonian government and even veto international funding. Yet no one took this seriously. In fact, a high official of the EU in Skopje told me as much:

 

"the simple fact is, we are not the governors of the country. The EU cannot give ultimatums to the Macedonian government there is absolutely no legal basis for the EU to impose an anti-corruption advisor. Ed has gone too far on this one."

 

This reaction quite accurately captures current Western sentiment in Skopje. Regardless of the accolades his report may get outside of the country, it seems that an increasingly marginalized Edward Joseph has few remaining supporters within Macedonia itself. In Part V tomorrow, we will analyze the ramifications of this fallout, the unfolding strategies of the parties, and what effect recent turbulence may have on the trajectory of the elections.

 

 

is about to become catastrophic. The statistical data are really grim. Bulgarians have melted away - we lost 1 million in the last 11 years. Population growth is increasingly negative - from 0.4 per mill in 1990 it is currently 12.2 per mill. Nativity rate has decreased twice as compared with 1990. Eleven years ago the newborns were over 105,000, while in 2001 only 54,000 babies were born. The ratio between abortions and births is 3:1 now. While many women refuse to give birth, for 200,000 families having a child of their own remains an unattainable dream.

 

 

 

Bulgarian, Macedonian Presidents to Fly Together to Johannesburg.

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - Macedonian President Boris Trajkovski will fly together with his Bulgarian counterpart Georgi Purvanov and the Bulgarian delegation to Johannesburg to attend the World Summit on Sustainable Development, the Presidential Press Secretariat said Thursday.

 

The information was confirmed by the Macedonian Embassy in Sofia.

 

Trajkovski and two assistants will arrive in Sofia August 31, and at 2 p.m. on the next day the presidential aircraft with the two heads of state on board will take off for South Africa.

 

The Macedonian Embassy told BTA that the Macedonian President's visit to Bulgaria is informal and only for the trip to Johannesburg. Trajkovski is not going to have other meetings with Purvanov while in Sofia.

 

The Bulgarian delegation will be back early in the morning on September 5.

 

 

 

President Georgi Parvanov received a special invitation from his US counterpart George W. Bush to attend a reception in New York on September 11. Bulgaria's head of state will also take part in the memorial ceremony dedicated to the victims of the terror act on September 11 last year. Parvanov is to arrive in the USA on September 8. He will have talks with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and Secretary of State Colin Powell, as well as senators, congressmen and Bulgarian communities in New York and Washington.

 

 

 

American Jewish Committee Backs Bulgaria's Bid for NATO, AJC Executive Directior Harris Says.

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - Bulgarian Foreign Minister Solomon Passy Thursday conferred with the Executive Director of the American Jewish Committee (AJC) David Harris, who is paying a one-day visit to Bulgaria.

 

The AJC backs Bulgaria's bid for NATO membership, Harris told journalists.

 

In this way, Bulgaria will take its due place as full member of the Euro-Atlantic organization for security and cooperation, he said.

 

We are well aware of Bulgaria's role for the rescue of its Jews during World War II, and we highly appreciate the moral strength and the courage that the Bulgarian government then showed, Harris said.

 

He noted the constructive position of Bulgaria's foreign policy over the last 12 years and especially during the Gulf War, at the Kosovo conflict and after the September 11, 2001 events.

 

We highly appreciate the strenuous efforts, the tremendous efforts that Bulgaria is making to build democratic society and market economy, the AJC Executive Director said.

 

"Our session was very interesting, with full understanding and fine mutual familiarization," Deputy Foreign Minister Lyubomir Ivanov told journalists.

 

"At the meeting, we expressed Bulgaria's position which is in full harmony with the efforts of the international community towards a peaceful solution of the problem with Iraq," Ivanov said. Replying to a reporter's question, he noted that Bulgaria's specific position in the event of a US operation against Iraq was not discussed. The US has not yet made a specific decision on the matter and, moreover, this cannot be discussed with a non-governmental organization, Harris and Ivanov said.

 

The procedure for Jewish property restitution was discussed at the meeting.

 

The Government has the good will for restitution of these properties, said Harris, adding that this will be taken into account at the NATO Summit in Prague. Ivanov noted that most Jewish properties have been restituted and just one or two larger items remain. One is Sofia's Hotel Rila. There, the successors are suing each other and the court will decide what undivided interest belongs to the Jews in Bulgaria. Another property is a building in central Sofia. There, a solution is easier to find because it is already known that the Shalom Organization of the Jews in Bulgaria is the successor to the Jewish Consistory, Ivanov said. The property is now stewarded by the LB Bulgaricum Trading Company PLC in which the Ministry of Economy exercises the State's ownership rights, the Deputy Minister explained.

 

Later on Thursday, Harris was received by President Georgi Purvanov, who handed him a Badge of Honour of the President of the Republic of Bulgaria for his great services to the promotion of Bulgarian-US relations and for his consistent efforts towards strengthening of religious, ethnic and racial understanding.

 

The opportunities for invigoration of political and economic relations between Bulgaria and the US and the role of the AJC in this respect were discussed at the meeting, the President's Press Secretariat said. Harris stressed that the AJC is one of the first organizations in the US that have clearly and openly backed Bulgaria's bid for NATO membership. Harris said he was pleased that President Purvanov will visit New York this coming September and invited him to be a guest of the American Jewish Committee. Representatives of the Shalom Organization of the Jews in Bulgaria, led by the Organization's Chairman Emil Kalo, attended the meeting at the President.

 

 

 

Bulgaria, Iran Expected to Sign Agreement on Extension of Iran-Turkey Gas Pipeline to Bulgaria and Central Europe.

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - During the visit of Bulgarian Energy and Energy resources Minister Milko Kovachev to Iran, the two countries are expected to sign an agreement on the Bulgarian proposal for cooperation in the project for the construction of a gas pipeline from Iran to Turkey with an extension to Bulgaria and Central Europe.

 

Talking to Deputy National Assembly Chairman Yunal Lyutfi on Thursday, Iranian Minister of Housing and Urban Development Ali Abdol Alizadeh emphasized that the Bulgarian energy minister should meet with his Iranian counterpart the soonest possible and finalize the Bulgarian proposal by signing an agreement, the press centre of the Bulgarian Parliament said after the Lytfi-Alizadeh meeting.

 

"The extension of the Iran-Turkey gas pipeline to Bulgaria and Central Europe would stimulate the Bulgarian natural gas market because there would be at least two independent gas suppliers," Deputy Energy and Energy Resources Minister Angel Minev said, as quoted by the National Assembly press centre.

 

Passing through Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary, the pipeline could enter Austria, which is in the hub of the European market; extensions to the countries neighbouring Bulgaria may be constructed, too.

 

At his meeting with Minev, Iranian Deputy Minister of Construction Mahmud Miriam requested that Bulgaria raise the question in the mixed commission economic cooperation. He said that Teheran expects the opening of expert-level talks to assess the viability of the project.

 

Minev handed his Iranian guest a draft memorandum on cooperation in the energy sector which should be discussed by the parties to it and signed the soonest possible. Miriam invited Bulgarian energy experts to visit Iran in order to prepare a future visit at a higher level.

 

Alizadeh supported the idea of the participation of Bulgarian and Iranian companies in the reconstruction of Bosnia and Afghanistan and in housing construction projects in Iran.

 

He expressed hope that the expected visit of Bulgarian National Assembly Chairman Ognyan Gerdjikov would give a new impetus to the development of Bulgarian-Iranian relations which, as the guest put it, "have a potential for a billion of dollars".

 

Alizadeh said he is particularly pleased that a Muslim occupies such a high position in the Bulgarian Parliament. In his view, this fact is indicative of the freedom and maturity of the society in Bulgaria.

 

Lyutfi said that despite its Euro-Atlantic orientation, Bulgaria is willing to maintain good relations with Iran.

 

 

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - Under a memorandum of understanding on the development of Trans-European Corridor VIII, which the Bulgarian Government approved at its regular meeting on Thursday, the private sector will take maximum part in the building, operation and use of the corridor.

 

Parties to the memorandum are Bulgaria, Albania, Greece, Italy, Macedonia, Turkey and the European Commission.

 

The memorandum envisages improvement of the countries' border crossing.

 

The parties will explore the possibilities to minimize the time for performance of control procedures and create fast tracks for transit traffic.

 

The memorandum will be signed on september 9 in Bari, Italy.

 

 

 

Pazardjik, (Southern Bulgaria), August 29 (BTA) - The Koulata border checkpoint (on the border with Greece) leads in uncovered cases of corruption. It is followed by the Kapitan Andreevo border checkpoint (on the border with Turkey), the Kalotina checkpoint (on the border with Yugoslavia) and the Stanke Lisichkovo border checkpoint (on the border with Macedonia), Border Police National Service Director Colonel Valeri Grigorov told a national session of the Service in Pazardjik Thursday.

 

The session, attended by the leadership of the Border Police National Service and directors of checkpoints discussed measures to fight corruption in the system of border control.

 

There is will to fight corruption in the central administration - at the Ministry of the Interior and the Border Police leadership, but the situation is different at the regional border checkpoints, Colonel Grigorov told the session. Of the total of 142 checks that have been made at border checkpoints since the beginning of the year, 87 established cases of corruption. Fifteen border officials have been dismissed and more dismissals will probably follow as some officers are now under observation.

 

The session noted that the most frequent offence on the part of border officials is entry of incorrect data in the computer system.

 

The launching of a new computer system will restrict the possibilities for border officers to omit to enter important information about persons and vehicles crossing the border.

 

 

 

Bulgaria ranks 45 in terms of corruption among public officials.

 

Bulgaria has moved ahead towards the group of less corrupt countries in the ranking of Transparency International, a world coalition for fighting corruption, Transparency International Bulgaria told a news conference on Wednesday. Bulgaria is placed 45th in the Transparency International ranking list for 2002, with a corruption perception index (CPI) of 4. Last year it ranked 47th, with a CPI of 3.9. The Transparency International Corruption Perception Index ranks the countries in terms of the degree to which businessmen and analysts perceive corruption to exist among public officials and politicians; the CPI varies from 10 - the lowest level of corruption, to 0 that reflects a particularly high level of corruption. Bulgaria is the only country of the applicants for European Union (EU) membership that keeps improving its position compared to the previous year. Since Bulgaria was included on the Transparency International ranking in 1998, the country has been perceived to be increasingly less corrupt, Dimiter Kyumyurdjiev, President of Transparency International Bulgaria, said. According to Kyumyurdjiev, Bulgaria has been drawing closer to the countries with a medium level of corruption - Greece and Portugal for instance. It is ahead of some countries that are expected to join the EU in the first wave of expansion - the Czech Republic, Latvia and Slovakia. It follows after Hungary, Lithuania and Slovenia. It is worth noting that Bulgaria is far ahead of Romania with which it is usually grouped together whenever the EU membership question is raised. Romania's CPI is 2.6 and it is ranked 77th, Kyumyurdjiev said. The assessment of Bulgaria is based on seven independent surveys. This year the CPI ranks 102 countries. The major sources on which Transparency International has drawn include the University of Columbia, the World Bank, the World Economic Forum and Gallup International.

 

 

Pavlina Zhivkova

 

Hunters and mayors helped the poachers.

 

Poachers beat forest rangers and foresters, the criminals set fire to foresters' houses and cars and shoot at forest guards, sources from the Farm Ministry announced. Twenty-six forest rangers from Botevgrad retired after attacks against their colleagues. They were attacked on Tuesday afternoon. During a joint operation of gendarmery and forest rangers in the forest near Botevgrad a dozen of poachers were caught. When the guards started writing citations, Gypsies armed with hand grenades, axes and stakes came down on them. It's a miracle there have been no wounded people, head of the forestry Vassil Vassilev said. The poachers threatened to set on fire homes of the rangers.

 

 

Victoria Seraphimova

 

Amendments to the Penal Code demands Sofia Electric Company.

 

Thieves of power to be sentenced to imprisonment, insist Power Distribution Companies (PDC) in this country. The management of Sofia-based PDC submitted a proposal to the Energy Ministry in early August. Amendments to be made both to the new Energy Act and the Penal Code, stipulating that theft of electricity is a crime, insists the venture. For 2001 employees in the SPDC reported thefts of 4.413 million kWh worth of 540,000 levs.

 

 

Valcho Milchev

 

Development strategy for the tobacco branch is needed, Krastyo Petkov maintains.

 

Coalition 'For Bulgaria' should start a parliamentary debate on the deal for Bulgartabac, Prof. Krastyo Petkov proposed. It will be discussed at the sitting of its parliamentary group on September 3. An inquiry commission on the deal to be set up, as UtdDF proposed several months ago. The reason for the parliament's interference is the breach of the National Assembly's resolution, according to which government strategy should have been worked out for the tobacco branch development. The government should answer clearly to the following questions: What will be done with the tobacco exceeding the agreed 42,000-ton quota? What will be the future of 3,500 workers, who are envisaged to be downsized? What are the real prospects of 85,000 households occupied in tobacco cultivation?

 

 

Stephan Kioutchukov

 

The extra duty of 5 levs will be canceled, the car mechanics to pay 30 percent less.

 

The patent tax levied on construction business and large-scale hotel-keepers will be lifted. They will pay a profit tax, Lyudmila Elkova acting director of the Tax Policy' department with the Finance Ministry, said. Stores of over 100 sq.m. trading space, hotels with accomodation capacity of over 50 beds and the eateries with over 100 seats will be exempt from patent duty. For this kind of activity profit tax will be paid, commented Finance Ministry's experts. The patent tax for car repairs and tin-plating will be cut down by some 30 percent. Next year the driving instructor's duty will be reduced as well. The extra tax of 5 levs per sq.m. will be lifted from early-2003.

 

 

 

Cabinet Allocates Lv 32 Mln for Establishment of Wheat Commodity Fund, Approves Measures to Aid Grain Farmers.

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - The Cabinet has allocated 32 million leva for the establishment of a wheat commodity fund and approved urgent measures to aid grain farmers, including a subsidy for export-oriented grain subsidy and a seed subsidy, the Council of Ministers Information Directorate said.

 

The measures are part of the Government's Programme for Development of Bulgarian Agriculture and are needed to ease tensions on the grain market and the social tension among agricultural producers, according to the press release.

 

A wheat commodity fund has to be established because there are no real transactions on the grain market now and because grain farmers lack working capital, as well as because preparations for the 2003 crop is in jeopardy.

 

Through the fund, some 200,000 t of bread wheat will be purchased directly from the producers at some 160 leva/tonne, which is intended to forestall the risk of bankruptcies on a massive scale. The measure will help ease the pressure exerted by traders on producers for sale of grain at a low price and will encourage export, the press release says.

 

The wheat in the commodity fund is earmarked for export and the resources will return to the consolidated national budget before the end of the year. The wheat purchased by the commodity fund will be resold by auction to recover the budget resources spent.

 

The limited opportunities to apply export subsidies because of commitments assumed to the World Trade Organization and the EU necessitate subsidization of export-oriented grain farmers. The encouragement of grain export will result in an influx of fresh money into the country and in orientation to stabler foreign markets. The second measure in the Government's package will tighten control along the grain production - grain export chain because producers and exporters will come into direct contact, according to the press release. The measure is expected to offset the adverse impact of the cheap dollar which is now pressing the price down.

 

Export-oriented grain farmers will be subsidized by 5 million leva.

 

At the opening Thursday of the Consultative Council on Grain, Deputy Agriculture Minister Boiko Koev said that as few as 4,467 grain producers are officially registered in Bulgaria, the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry said in a press release. They have declared some 400,000 hectares as planted with barley and wheat. "As long as farmers do not come to light and declare the real areas of land they are farming and the crops they are planting and cultivating, there is no way for the State to help them," Boev stressed.

 

 

 

Raising Living Standards and Average Incomes Among Cabinet's Priorities till 2005.

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - Raising living standards and narrowing the gap between average incomes in this country and in the European Union are among the Government's priorities until 2005, Finance Minister Milen Velchev said following the Government's approval of this country's economic pre-accession programme for 2002-2005.

 

This is an annual document adopted by all EU candidate countries and shows the medium-term targets and priorities of the Bulgarian Government. The Programme has been developed in conformity with the respective recommendations of the European Commission.

 

According to the Programme, raising living standards and narrowing the gap between average incomes in Bulgaria and the US remains a priority of Bulgaria's economic policy in the period until 2005, Velchev said. The other goals are achievement of sustainable and balanced economic growth higher than the average after the introduction of a currency board arrangement in 1997, receiving an invitation to join NATO by the end of 2002, completion of membership negotiations with the EU by the end of 2003 and full membership in the EU by the end of 2006.

 

The economic instruments in achieving these goals are preservation of the currency board arrangement and a sensible and flexible fiscal system, continuation and completion of the privatization process, new regulation of state monopolies in conformity with recommended international practices, streamlining the legislative framework for business development, equal legislative treatment of local and foreign investors, switching from a passive to an active policy of intervention on the labour market and completion of the reforms in social and health insurance, education and local self-government.

 

 

 

JPMorgan: Rebound in Bulgaria's Industrial Activity and Consistent Improvement in Macroeconomic Fundamentals.

 

Sofia, August 29 (BTA) - In the Bulgarian section of their latest report on emerging markets, JPMorgan speak of rebounding industrial activity and consistent improvement in the macroeconomic fundamentals of the country.

 

According to JPMorgan, privatization remains the key issue and the sell off of Bank Biochim to Bank Austria marks encouraging progress. However, it warns of a likely heightening of political tension because of the unpopularity of measures demanded by the IMF such as faster restructuring of district heating companies, an increase in energy prices toward cost-recovery levels, the rationalization of health services, and a school deployment plan that would rationalize the school network and cut redundant employment in the sector.

 

The economy was weak early on this year, but showed signs of bottoming out in the second quarter, the report goes. Prices rose rapidly in the first months of 2002 driven mainly by seasonal factors and one-off administered price hikes, but inflation started to fade in the second quarter. The Bulgarian lev has therefore maintained its value against major currencies in real terms, which implies that the currency board arrangement is not in jeopardy from inflation pressure. Bulgaria's fiscal discipline in recent years represents an exceptional achievement for an emerging economy. Its budget deficit/GDP ratio of 0.9% was the lowest among Central and East European countries last year. And its fiscal data for the first months of 2002 imply that this year's targeted deficit of 0.8% of GDP is well within reach.

 

Thanks to these positive developments, Bulgaria has earned the praise of not only the IMF but also international investors, JPMorgan say adding that certain issues facing the Bulgarian economy do warrant close monitoring. One such issue is the widening of the current account deficit and the inadequacy of foreign direct investment inflows to finance it.

 

The current account deficit widened substantially in April/May 2002 compared to the same period of last year. The key factor remains the merchandise trade deficit's widening from year-earlier levels. This has reflected continued weak export performance due to subdued EU growth, and accelerated import growth due to higher oil prices and the resulting jump in the cost of fuel imports. Still, the current account deficit will likely be held at the forecast level for 2002, thanks to the seasonal pickup in tourism revenues since May, the improving trends in the factor income and transfer balances, and
Bulgaria's restrictive fiscal policy. Moreover, the euro's recent appreciation against the US dollar will push up the dollar value of exports sold in euros.

 

The report identifies the passage of a new privatization law and the resulting boost to privatization activity as a key achievement of the structural reform program. Mainly due to the political uncertainty in the general elections last year, privatization came to a standstill but this year the government marks encouraging progress with its ambitious privatization schedule and the sell off of Bank Biochim to Bank Austria in a deal where the price of US$81.3 million was well above the low-end target of US$49 million. It is hoped that this success will create impetus for upcoming privatizations as well.

However, the real test will be to complete deals for BTC and Bulgartabac.

 

Industrial activity rebounded markedly in the second quarter, with industrial output growing at a 7.9% year-on-year pace versus declines of 1.8% in the first quarter of this year and 1.5% in the fourth quarter of last year. Industrial sales failed to match the output rebound, suggesting that inventories have been growing. Judging from the quarterly GDP reports and monthly statements, domestic demand, especially consumption, is the main growth driver so far.

 

For the first half of this year, preliminary figures show retail trade up just 1.1% year-on-year, and wholesale sales down 2.3%. On the positive side, the continuing fast growth of bank credit is a tangible support for the real economy. JPMorgan's 2002 GDP forecast remains at 3.5% year-on-year for 2002, below the official 4% forecast. Still, caution is warranted, and the absence of qualitative and consistent data on either demand or output complicates judgment of the real economy's performance.

 

JPMorgan believe that the government of Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha has good prospects and despite the media hostility it seems less accident-prone than it did at the beginning of the year.

 

However, there is a worry over the government's loss of public support. The report authors quote a recent Gallup poll showing that public confidence in the government has dropped to 26% in July 2002 from 63% in July 2001 when the government first took office. 63% of Bulgarians think that things are changing for the worse, while only 9% expect their financial status to improve over the next year. Nevertheless, market sentiment seems recently to have bottomed out with the proportion of pessimists among poll respondents dropping from 70% to 63% in the last three months. The report further quotes the Gallup poll saying that all parties have lost electoral support and none commands the confidence of the average Bulgarian, and concludes that neither of the main opposition parties appears strong enough to take power in the short run. In short, the Saxe-Coburg-Gotha government looks secure for now.

 

 

 

The funds were received, after the government adopted a draft agreement with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which is administrator of the grant.

 

 

Antiwar.com
Nebojsa Malic

 

Open Season On Logic And Sanity Continues.

 

Given the amount of sheer lunacy that has been exhibited in the Balkans over the past decade, both by the Empire and its local vassals, it is tempting to say that things could hardly get any more irrational. And also very, very wrong. For just when you thought it was safe to go back to the Balkans, the idiots in charge of the place decide to reach shocking new limits of madness and sheer stupidity.

 

Scare Tactics And Soccer.

 

Two weeks ago, NATOs occupation troops in Bosnia launched another operation to hunt down Radovan Karadzic, former war leader of the Bosnian Serbs now accused of genocide by the Hague Inquisition. Hundreds of troops, dozens of tanks, vehicles and helicopters, held a backwater sliver of eastern Bosnia under siege for two days. Officially, NATO said it was not after Karadzic per se, but was rooting out his "support network" and "gathering information." Unofficially, what was happening looked suspiciously like a show of force aimed to intimidate the local populace. Whatever it was, it did not work. Very much like the Bosnian "peace process," actually.

 

No less hare-brained was the idea of holding a friendly game of soccer between Bosnia and Yugoslavia last weekend. In this part of the world soccer is not just a sport its an obsession. Fans dont just wear their teams colors: they form gangs and bash other fans heads in. Soccer is war, only with rules.

 

Furthermore, Bosnian Serbs dont identify with the Bosnian state anyway, and even less so when the national team has no Serb players. So the match was really an internal ethnic conflict, with Bosnian Serbs showing up to cheer for the Yugoslavs, and the Muslims cheering "their" national team. When Yugoslavia handily beat Bosnia 2:0 (in both the junior match and the main event), the enraged Muslims rioted. Serb fans had to be escorted to safety by the police, and several people were injured. Some have deemed it progress that the game took place at all. Officials from both soccer federations tried to put a positive spin on everything. But the game has shown the truth: Bosnia is nowhere near being a normal country, let alone a nation.

 

Pure Hollywood.

 

The stupidest bit of news about Bosnia came from outside the country, though. Former U.S. Air Force captain Scott OGrady sued Twentieth Century Fox studio for making "Behind Enemy Lines," a bad, crass propaganda movie (very) loosely based on his experiences in the Bosnian War. OGrady not only claimed unjust enrichment on part of Fox and demanded billions in damages, but claimed that the movies protagonist ruined his image by "using foul language" and "disobeying orders."

 

Problem is, OGrady said nothing when the movie was released last year. He said nothing when the first DVDs hit the shelves earlier this summer. He said nothing, until the movie made some money. Now he wants a cut. He may find that a tad more difficult than surviving for six days in the mountains of Bosnia. As things go, he should be grateful Fox embellished his story. OGrady was shot down by an old, Soviet-made missile, on a clear summer day. Even Hollywood thought that was stupid.

 

How High?

 

After the arrests of one former KLA commander and the indictment of another two weeks ago, Imperial troops occupying Kosovo have had to deal with raging mobs demanding their release. According to the rioters, the accused KLA leaders were heroes, not terrorists. Since NATO violated international law to help the KLA, and NATO is headed by the U.S., and the U.S. is fighting terrorism, the KLA cant possibly be terrorists, right?

 

Mistakenly believing that the occupiers are really cracking down on terrorists, Serbias justice minister Vladan Batic requested the arrest and extradition of Hashim Taqi and Agim Ceku, wanted on charges of terrorism, murder and armed rebellion. The UN response was a predictable "No!", showing that the "crackdown" on terrorists is about as serious as their "war on drugs."

 

Caring little that Kosovo is a paradise for Albanian heroin smugglers, the UN/NATO occupiers are going after those suspected of growing marijuana. Such is the zeal to stamp out pot in Kosovo, earlier this month NATO troops detained Mother Efrosinia, abbess of the Gracanica Monastery, for growing "marijuana" in a monastery field. Never mind that the plant was really industrial hemp, grown throughout the Balkans to make durable natural fabric. Never mind that the 70-year-old abbess was a spiritual leader of a handful of Serbs who barely survived the KLAs campaign of murder and rampage those same NATO troops did nothing to prevent. Never mind that throughout Kosovo, church lands are being seized by Albanians and the UN does nothing. Never mind that the field in question was used by NATO as a helipad (without compensation, of course), and was effectively expropriated to begin with. So never mind the KLA, those pesky Serbian nuns are the real danger for the 40,000 NATO troops in Kosovo!

 

Maybe someone should check what the NATO generals are smoking.

 

Serbian Nukes and Other Tales.

 

Last week it was suddenly announced that a research reactor near Belgrade contained enough uranium to make two nuclear weapons, and that the materials were safely evacuated to Russia with U.S. blessing and assistance.

 

Most news stories dealt with the possible dangers of the uranium in Serb hands: it might have been sold to Saddam Hussein or Al-Qaeda; Milosevic had invested in a nuclear program; and similar rubbish. Making a nuclear device is actually astonishingly simple, and the hardest part is getting the uranium. Milosevic had enough uranium for two bombs, yet he neither made them, nor sold the material to someone who would have. And its not like he couldnt have used the deterrent, or the money, over the past decade. Belgrade was too civilized, or too stupid or both to get into the nuclear game.

 

Thing is, Milosevics Serbia would have never sold weapons to Al-Qaeda. While the U.S. supported the fundamentalist regime in Bosnia and the medieval barbarians of Kosovo, Serbs fought them, and were pilloried as murderers. Now Djindjics Serbia thats another matter altogether. He sold his soul to the Empire and most of the country to the Germans, so whats another "pragmatic" deal if it helps fund "reforms"? In that light, maybe the US-Russian uranium evacuation wasnt such a dumb idea after all

 

Thou Shalt Not Bear False Witness

 

No account of Balkans follies would be complete without the Hague Inquisition, which this week continued its process against Milosevic. After hearing its case demolished by the former State Security head Rade Markovic last month, the Inquisitors returned to the proven practice of calling KLA members to testify of "horrible Serb atrocities."

 

The newest KLA yarn is that their members killed by NATO bombs at the Dubrava prison near Istok were really "massacred" by Serb guards. Yet if that was so, how come the "witness" not only survived, but was transferred to another prison? Were the Serbs that stupid? BBCs reporter Jackie Rowland volunteered to testify that the KLA was right, and the AP has already declared her footage "consistent with the testimony." But how, when the testimony wasnt consistent with itself?

 

Off The Deep End.

 

Perhaps all this madness in the "trial" chamber has finally unhinged even Milosevic. However canny and resilient he may be in The Hague, he made a total idiot of himself in Serbian politics last week, when he urged his party to back fringe Radical Vojislav Seselj as the joint candidate of the "patriotic opposition." While reasoning that a joint candidate has better chances of beating both government candidates (of which, more later) makes sense, his choice stinks: Seselj is about as popular in Serbia as syphilis.

 

In all honesty, the past decade in the Balkans has been a continual open season on truth, logic, and sanity. What is happening now is no more outrageous that the original decision to butcher federal Yugoslavia in favor of its "republics," to divide Bosnia so it would be united, or to bomb Serbia and occupy Kosovo to protect KLAs "human rights" to pillage, murder, rape and burn. So its accepted as normal.

 

But it gets worse. This fall, most Yugoslav successor states are holding elections, the ultimate Balkans reality show. Get ready for politicians to compete for brownie points with Imperial governors, occupation troops, international bankers, European bureaucrats and NATO generals (oh, and their own people, if time and money allow); for the press to show the world the real meaning of "tabloid journalism"; and for the people to yet again stuff the ballot boxes with votes for their next chosen savior, despite having done so for years with disastrous consequences.

 

Stupidity is infectious, after all.

 

 

 

PODGORICA (Reuters) - An ethnic Albanian man being deported from Germany to Kosovo tried to strangle a flight attendant with his shoelaces on Thursday, the airline said.

 

The incident occurred aboard a special flight from Duesseldorf to Pristina by Montenegro Airlines, which has been ferrying planeloads of Kosovo deportees home from Germany twice a month for the past several months.

 

"A serious incident occurred on this flight," the airline's general manager, Zoran Djurisic, told Reuters.

 

"One of the deportees on the plane asked to go to the toilet, where he took the laces out of his running shoes. He then came up from behind on our stewardess, Irena Radonjic, and tried to strangle her," he said.

 

"But special Montenegrin police who accompany each flight reacted immediately and prevented any more serious consequences. They subdued the attacker and they landed safely in Pristina."

 

Montenegrin Interior Minister Andreja Jovicevic told Reuters that the special police on duty on the flight from Dusseldorf to Pristina stopped a man when he tried to kill a flight attendant. He said they handed him over to the authorities in Pristina.

 

Police in Kosovo identified the attacker as 20-year-old Shaban Isufi. A spokesman said that police secured Pristina airport ahead of the plane's landing and immediately took the attacker to hospital for medical checks.

 

He was then placed under arrest, the spokesman said. Djurisic said there were about 60 passengers on the flight.

 

"We don't really know what was in his head. When she was serving refreshments and asked him what he would like to drink he replied: "A little blood from you."

 

The stewardess had bruises on her neck and was still a bit shocked but otherwise relieved, Djurisic added.